Cooking tools and equipment pdf

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Types of Kitchen Tools and Equipment

To browse Academia. Skip to main content. By using our site, you agree to our collection of information through the use of cookies. To learn more, view our Privacy Policy. Log In Sign Up. Download Free PDF. Food and technology - Cooking utensils and food processing in medieval Norway. Download PDF. A short summary of this paper. Food and technology -Cooking utensils and food processing in medieval NorwayAlimentation et technologie.

That food and food processing also signify some of the most conservative aspects of culture, as has often been claimed, are perhaps less obvious Dietler As a basic and continual physical need, food embodies relations of production and exchange, linking the domestic and wider socio-political spheres.

It does not only refl ect biological needs and functional aspects but also habitual practises that structure action and, unconsciously, perceptions of identities and difference between people. Demand for food and the ways of making it may be seen as the interplay of traditions, availability, tastes, practical devices and technological possibilities, but also strategic decisions and social roles. Certain aspects of cooking could also give it a special importance in situations of change, and, according to J.

Goody , , what changes took place were often related to the changing nature of social stratifi cation. A question to be looked into in this paper is whether these considerations are relevant for the medieval period, with all its far reaching transformations where, among other aspects, urbanisation and commercialisation played an important role in socioeconomic and cultural change, and processes of cultural transmission.

Such processes also affected food -production, distribution, food processing and consumption, as well as technologies. Here, I focus on the last elements in the long chain of food preparation, cooking and the technology applied to it, to discuss the questions of cultural transmission, and degree of stability or change -adoption or rejection of foreign and new commodities and practices related to certain types of food processing equipment, not only just of artefacts but also the cultural conceptions and underlying human behaviour patterns.

By comparing archaeological evidence of cooking utensils from urban and rural contexts in Norway ca. Which parts of this special material culture were resistant to change and which were taken in? This question is, of course, closely connected to the whole technological chain of food processing, from raw material to edible food. There were also several methods of cooking. Food processing utensilsAt the simplest level, cooking presupposes certain utensils, such as pots, and fi re places or ovens.

Pottery was a principal accessory for food preparation, storage and serving in medieval Europe. In Norway, however, pottery appeared as a new commodity in the early urban centres from the 11th century onwards. As ceramics were not produced in Norway in the long time span between ca.

What kinds of pottery were imported -more luxurious tableware for drinking and feasting or also more practical equipment for cooking? What was the relation to more traditional domestic utensils in other materials? Although pottery forms one of the largest fi nds groups in the urban archaeological record and constitutes a major research fi eld in medieval archaeology, modest interest has been shown to its practical and social roles in the daily household, in spite of its dominant role in exactly such contexts.

In the Hebrides, locally produced pottery, so called crogans -simple globular low-fi red vessels -have been common cooking utensils into the early 20th century, covering a wide area of utilisation: for boiling water, dressing victuals and for preparing meat, but also used for storage of milk and dairy products. One of the draw backs of the low-fi red crogans was the porosity and the contamination or fermentation of the contents through the agency of organic deposits and that they readily absorbed the taste and smell of the food cooked in them.

In this respect pottery with low porosity has an advantage Cheape These various physical characteristics may help to explain some of the functions of medieval vessels. Archaeological evidence over larger areas and within a wide time frame also confi rms that ceramics were used in many stages of food processing.

Organic residue analyses of pot sherds have revealed the processing of several different foods -terrestrial and marine animal fats, plant leaf waxes, specifi cally cabbage and leek, and other products, indicating that pottery was used in varied cooking practices Brown and Heron Many of the medieval vessels also contain lipid residues from leaf waxes and animal fats Blinkhorn , 42 , and evidence from medieval documentary sources even demonstrate that the use of pottery was much wider than may be recognised from the pottery itself Moorehouse , 3.

The ethnological study of crogans in the Hebrides concludes that two general characteristics were regarded as especially important. One was that the cooking pots could be put to the fi re only if fi lled to the rim, otherwise there was a danger of splitting.

The size consequently had to suit the number to be fed, and the volume may thus indicate what was cooked, and for how many Cheape Cooking pots may therefore refl ect membership of the household, work organisation, as well as food and food preparation.

Other ethnographic studies indicate that capacity is often the primary factor when acquiring a pot and that it is possible to relate the number and size of pots in a household to the number of individuals occupying it. These studies have further demonstrated how different food and different households required different volumes, based on a system of portioning and rationing.

By using quantitative rules, measures and estimates, they could keep in evidence and ration the produce or available stock. As an example: if making a soup with, for instance, beans, peas, crushed barley or the like, a pot of about half a litre was needed for one person -though somewhat larger to accommodate additional volume if the soup contained meat.

A household of six persons needed cooking vessels that could contain about four understudied fi eld of research has been explained by the methodological diffi culties related to its often fragmentary state of preservation Orton et al.

Still, both archaeological and ethnographic research has shown that the utilitarian and social role of earthenware is no less important, and I draw attention to some of the results from these as promising avenues for further exploration, and as a backdrop when discussing the Norwegian representations. Vessel functions have been wide and varied, and identifi cation can be based on a variety of methods and on a combination of factors -physical characteristics, like shape, size and capacity, and thermal proprieties.

As for shape, globular pottery vessels, for instance, are usually interpreted as cooking pots Pot and de Groot Identifi cation is also often based on the amount and position of sooting and wear marks, including organic residues within or adhering to vessel sherds.

Residue analysis provides the best direct evidence of food containment and usage Hughes and Evans Soot cannot, however, be used as automatic evidence of cooking, since jars could also be heated and used for other tasks than cooking, and only show that the vessel has been heated on a fi re. The position and character of the soot is important for the functional identifi cation Blinkhorn , When a vessel is used over an open fi re, traces of soot will often be deposited on the external surface, or the colour of the surface will alter.

Variations in sooting patterns also develop under differing conditions. A vessel suspended or supported over the fl ame will tend to develop sooting in a zone around the lower body of the pot, but not directly on the base. Medieval drip-pans and pipkins are often sooted and burnt on one side only and on the opposite side to the handle, suggesting that they were placed on the side of the fi re rather than within or above it, which is also confi rmed in contemporary manuscript illustrations Orton et al.

Unfortunately, many ceramic vessels have been labelled as cooking pots without taking these aspects into consideration, and should therefore be further looked into when discussing their role in food processing. Generally, earthenware has been widely recognised as a good medium for cooking, because heat is distributed evenly through the walls of the vessel while on the fi re or in the glowing ashes. Experiments have shown that thermal stress could be minimised by the manufacture of globular pots with an even but thin wall rather than fl at-based or angular vessels, where stresses concentrate along the angles.

Porosity of the material may also reduce the formation of cracks, and some minerals tempered in the pottery also cause less stress. These factors also have a bearing on the problem of heating effi ciency.

Experiments have further shown that there is a connection between heating ef-litres or more, depending on what was made Fel and Hofer , The medieval cooking equipment was probably also specialised in production to serve specifi c functions, and groups of consumers.

All these factors make it relevant to assess the archaeological remains of food processing equipment from different perspectives, not only practical, but also social and cultural. Although it is often a problematic exercise to calculate vessel capacity based on vessel fragments, it has sometimes been possible by fi lling complete pots with e.

By using mathematical formulae and systematic calculations of the upper and lower radius one has attempted to give a close approximation of the original capacity. Generally, the larger the rim diameter is, the larger the capacity of the jar Blinkhorn , Studies based on measures of the rim, the diameter of the neck, angle and profi le, and gully of the rim, have been used successfully to calculate volumes Pot and de Groot An analysis of remains of more than globular pots from a 14th-century kiln excavated in the outskirts of Utrecht, gave interesting results based on such measures, and revealed a variety in volume.

A majority had a capacity of l, and most frequently 3l ibid. This may indicate that they were intended for cooking in households of about four to six persons. The methodologies referred to for assessing archaeological pottery fi nds from both functional and cultural perspectives are thus able to give insights into cooking, household organisation and cultural preferences.

That only a few in-depth studies of medieval pottery and cooking vessels have been carried out in Norway so far, and mainly in urban contexts, do however delimit my own assessment.

Likewise, comparison of fi nds from different environments and sites also involves many methodological challenges, related, among others, to representation, preservation and documentation. My aim here is therefore primarily to draw attention to the research potential in such comparisons, and to shed light on the social and cultural dimensions of technologies related to food processing as physical products of human behaviour, and with a focus on how technology was spread, adopted, restricted or rejected.

Cooking equipment in urban contextsAmong the ceramic fi nds that have been unearthed in the early towns in Norway, cooking pots of so-called Paffrath or Blue-Grey pottery, imported from the Rhineland area, play a dominant role Fig. These rather small, often globular pots, measure on average mm, and the smallest type with a handle no more than 70mm across.

The height seems to vary from mm. The smaller type with a handle may also have served as ladles, but specimens from Bergen and other Norwegian medieval towns are often discoloured and with a sooty outside, showing that they were used for heating liquids or dressing victuals over or in a fi re Stenzel , and even small globular pots must have been stable when fi lled to the rim.

Since the material is rather fragmented, volume has not been measured, but a rough estimate of the Paffrath vessels from Bergen would suggest a capacity from about 0. It is interesting to observe that the ceramic pots that fi rst appear on the Norwegian urban scene were fairly small, probably not meant for more than one to two persons.

In Bergen, they appear from the earliest phase in the 12th century into the early 14th century, and in Oslo and Trondheim in layers from the 12th and 13th centuries ibid. In the earliest phases of the towns, before ca.

Other ceramic cooking pots that appear in early medieval contexts came from the London area, so-called Shelly Sandy ware, comprising vessels fi red at a moderate temperature, many of them with an open mouth and sagging base. They are often blackened externally on and near the base, but a large number have no signs of having been near the fi re.

It is therefore likely that the open-mouthed 'cooking pot' was also used for other purposes than cooking Moorehouse , 7. The analysis of Shelly Sandy wares in Bergen reveals a wide range of sizes and standard forms with different capacities. The bulk, however, measure around mm in diameter Blackmore and Vince , The researchers did not, however, try to measure volume. A majority of the sherds had traces of sooting or other surface deposits, where external sooting was located be- tween just above the base and the top of the rim, while internal deposits range from a thin stain to encrusted layers of burnt food.

This clearly demonstrates their role as cooking vessels, designed to be used in an open fi replace or in the glowing ashes. Although the residue analyses from Bergen turned out to be inconclusive, analyses of similar deposits on vessels from English medieval settlements have shown both vegetable and animal traces, probably derived from soups, stews and sauces Blackmore and Vince , These cooking pots partly appear somewhat later but also overlap chronologically with the somewhat smaller globular Paffrath pots.

In Bergen and Oslo they are documented from around the middle of the 12th century to the middle of the 13th century Blackmore and Vince , 69;Molaug , Bueklev , and in small numbers from the 11th to the 13th century in Trondheim Reed Altogether, ceramic cooking vessels seem to be more common in these early centuries of the towns than later in the medieval period, until different kinds of redware emerge in the 15th and 16th centuries. One of the most characteristic vessel forms within this group are tripod pipkins, with an interior glazing and a horizontal hollow handle.

Generally, they are rather small pots, in many cases with a capacity of no more than half a litre. Although many of them have soot marks and are often labelled as cooking pots, this function may be questioned.

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Food and technology - Cooking utensils and food processing in medieval Norway

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