Urbanization and rural urban migration theory and policy pdf
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- Urbanization, Unemployment, and Migration in Africa: Theory and Policy
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- A Theory on the Urban Rural Migration
The current state of Korean internal migration in —75 is examined from three perspectives: 1 where migrants go; 2 who moves; and 3 why they move.
Urbanization, Unemployment, and Migration in Africa: Theory and Policy
Not a MyNAP member yet? Register for a free account to start saving and receiving special member only perks. In the three decades since the main period of independence in Africa, population distribution and redistribution through migration have remained important and widely recognized features of the population dynamics of the continent. John O. Oucho is an associate professor of demography and director of the Population Studies and Research Institute in Nairobi, Kenya.
William T. Gould is reader in geography, University of Liverpool, United Kingdom. The authors are grateful to Janet L. Ewing of the National Research Council library for her assistance in compiling substantive literature on the subject of this chapter; to Population Action International, formerly Population Crisis Committee, for providing some data on urbanization; to Mike S. Omogi and Cudjoie Dovlo of the Regional Institute for Population Studies, University of Ghana, for computing several tables and illustrative material; and to Claire Sullivan of the Department of Geography, University of Liverpool, for assistance in text processing.
Progress in migration studies in Africa has been substantial in quantity, addressing a wide range of empirical, theoretical, and policy issues, and these have generated a large literature.
However, they have not coalesced into any consensus on approaches or theoretical baselines. There have been contributions to major and long-standing theoretical debates, such as on the existence of a mobility transition to mirror the demographic transition Zelinsky, and whether or not migration is a force for development at both source and destination Gould, ; Oucho, a , but the research agenda has moved away from questions associated with general global models to those arising explicitly out of the African experience.
The systems framework of Mabogunje is perhaps the most widely cited model of this type. Even in the area of models of African experience, however, there has been a general weakening of theoretical work in the face of a growing complexity of what is known about the migration experience throughout sub-Saharan Africa. To some extent it could be argued that migration studies lost their way in the s, overshadowed by major developments in fertility and mortality studies.
Yet migration remains important and needs to be considered not only in its own right, but also in the context of asserting its importance alongside fertility and mortality as a component of population dynamics.
Mabogunje , on the other hand, implies that this loosening of demographic controls would lead to increased nucleation in family relationships that would, in turn, lead to reduced fertility. Much work remains to be done in this area. This chapter describes the major characteristics, trends, and differentials, as well as the determinants of internal migration, urbanization, and population distribution, in sub-Saharan Africa by using available data and estimates for at least the last two decades — and — and projections for — and into the twenty-first century.
The United Nations classification of sub-Saharan Africa into four subregions—eastern, middle, southern, and western—is used throughout. Because there are many countries and because data vary greatly in quantity and quality, it is inappropriate to give an exhaustive treatment to all countries in equal detail or to focus on all aspects of migration, urbanization, and population distribution.
Rather, the discussion is directed to the three major features in separate sections. The first of these examines the typology and patterns of internal migration, migration differentials, and determinants of migration; the second reviews the magnitude, trends, and determinants of urbanization;.
Migration is the movement of people in space, often involving a change in the usual place of residence; internal migration is such a movement within national boundaries International Union for the Scientific Study of Population, — Because migration is a continuous, often repeated process rather than a single event, it is difficult to measure.
Furthermore, because it is studied by researchers in all the social sciences, it lacks a standard data source or uniform approach. The typology of African population mobility described in Table 7—1 differentiates the main types of movement in space in a fourfold classification of rural and urban sources and destinations and in time. The principal distinction made is between circulation i. Circulation is subdivided in the table into three categories according to the length of the period of absence.
Periodic movements are mostly short term. Seasonal movements, prominent in interior West Africa and among pastoralists, have a regular annual rhythm. Long-term circulation involves an absence of more than 1 year, but an expectation of return.
Definitive migration, by contrast, is essentially a creation of the data collection methodology, when the individual migrant is recorded as being at a different place from one recorded at an earlier time whether in a previous enumeration or as a result of some retrospective question, such as place of birth or place of previous residence.
In practice it is very difficult to establish permanency, for the exact timing or direction of subsequent moves cannot be known—although probabilities of further movement may be estimated. Definitive migration may be further subdivided into irregular movements, where neither the timing nor the destination of the next move is known characteristically in the case of refugees , and permanent movement, where the moves are considered by those involved to imply a permanent commitment to the new area of residence.
This differentiation is not made in Table 7—1. Many of these issues have been addressed in the rapidly growing literature on African migration—a literature that has been composed largely of empirical studies, often addressing only implicitly the larger theoretical questions on the causes and implications of the moves; many of these questions remain unresolved Gould, a.
Important collections of empirical work from the early s include the analysis of West African censuses of the. Agricultural land colonization, resettlement economic nodes and land consolidations; overspill into marginal of spontaneous migrants from population pressure areas.
Return migration of retired persons and unsuccessful urban migrants the latter can be rural-urban migrants later. Movement of transferred workers; self-employed persons traders and business people relocating elsewhere. Prospective migration of second- or later-generation migrants out of touch with ancestral home.
NOTE: Excludes daily movements such as cultivating, vacationing, and commuting. Table 7—2 summarizes the bibliographical material under various headings and provides a snapshot of areas of predominant interest and strength. One critical technical issue that is immediately apparent in this literature concerns the long-standing problem of data for migration analysis, in the sense of both poor quality data and a reduced availability and use even of traditional sources.
The recent literature offers a very distinct shift from systematic national analysis based on census sources to more specific and localized survey-based studies. In the African census rounds of the s and s, there was a great improvement in migration questions, with a shift from questions about ethnicity to questions about birthplace.
In addition, many African countries included a time-specific question in the round of censuses e. In theory, these changes and additions represented an important improvement in the quality of migration data, but in practice the results have been most disappointing and the resulting tabulations little used by analysts. The official report of the Kenya census of Kenya, , for example, concluded that.
It cannot be recommended for inclusion in future censuses in Kenya. Nevertheless, a 1-year retrospective question was included in the Kenya schedule, but it will probably also produce unusable data. It is too early to offer systematic consideration of the results of the census round, but it is unlikely to generate many new insights into migration. Networks and linkages of internal and international migrants with areas of origins. These data are much more likely to come from surveys, which have mostly been small scale.
In only two cases—the National Migration Survey in Botswana — and the National Retrospective Survey in Burkina Faso — —have there been major innovations on the national scale directed to improvements in migration data. The Botswana multiround survey was based on a 3 percent national sample and four rounds of survey within 18 months, so that it was able to identify seasonal mobility, rural-urban interactions, the mobility of individuals in the context of the household, etc.
The three-volume report of the Botswana migration survey offers a glimpse into what is possible with more innovative data collection methodologies Botswana, It was able, for example, to record subsequent migration probabilities of various subgroups in the population by number of previous moves. However, the experience of these two innovative cases has not been repeated in the s in any other African country. Thus, for most countries, there has been an increase in the quantity, but not the quality, of material available, and there has simultaneously been a widening range of approaches.
However, these have not been accompanied by equivalent improvements in or agreement about the most appropriate techniques of analysis.
In particular, migration model building, so favored by economists and others in the s, is no longer common. None of the migration papers at the International Union for the Scientific Study of Population African Population Conference or in the Union for African Population Studies a,b papers is based on spatial models of migration, such as the gravity model, or econometric models derivative of the Todaro model that was so widely discussed a decade earlier.
An exception in the s, however, is Mazur on labor migration in Mali. In a more strictly demographic perspective, however, some further possibilities do exist for exploration of multiregional methods for migration estimates Bah, The following section explores major trends and differentials in sub-Saharan Africa. It first adopts an essentially spatial perspective in summarizing the geographical patterning of movement, emphasizing the mix of rural and urban sources and destinations, and then explores migration selectivity, in particular through sex, educational, and occupational differentials.
Explanations for these patterns and differentials are sought at different spa-. Given that most people continue to live in rural areas, and that there is in all countries continuous and complex movement within rural societies, even at subsistence levels of development, intrarural movements continue to be the most common of the four major directional types of movement high-lighted in Table 7—1.
They are of many types and include movements of nomads as well as those of agriculturalists. They may be seasonal, as in movements between the dry savannas and better-watered areas, or more long term into the commercial rural sector. They may be permanent moves for agricultural colonization or into formal resettlement schemes. Nomadism is a feature of Sahelian Africa in the Horn of Africa including northern Kenya, northern mainland Tanzania, and northeastern Uganda and in southwestern Africa Botswana and Namibia.
Recent studies of nomadic pastoralists have emphasized the increasing impetus on the part of governments for sedentarization, as in Sudan and in the Sahel in general. Sedentarization involves the permanent settlement of once seasonally mobile communities. It requires year-round provision of water and pasture for animals, and cultivation has been increasingly incorporated into these economies with implications for the sustainability of the environment as well as for mobility.
The Turkana, a typical example of nomads in Kenya, have their lives hanging in the balance as a result of the encroachment by modern life styles and the vagaries of climate, as well as other factors Odegi-Awuondo, ; see also Ayiemba, In each of these cases, government schemes have sought to mitigate the disastrous effects of drought and, in some cases, civil war by facilitating the restocking of herds and flocks in association with settlement projects that ensure permanent water and pasture.
However, the number of animals has tended quickly to outstrip the carrying capacity of the local environment, however enhanced, and environmental deterioration has often been the result. More generally, migration within rural areas involves farmers moving spontaneously in search of new land or in formally organized resettlement programs.
The significance of spontaneous migration is probably falling as suitable land is increasingly in short supply. However, spontaneous migration is still important in the general drift southward in West Africa and in movements to marginal lands, to the dry margins as in Kenya Dietz, ,.
Much more widely discussed and much more obviously within the ambit of government policies are movements into government rural development schemes Maro, Resettlement has also involved landless citizens and, in the case of Zimbabwe after , combatants in the independence struggle.
The Kenyan land settlement program in the highlands had largely ended by the s Leo, , although it continued into the semiarid marginal lands. In the most recent experience in Zimbabwe, there remain deep-seated political and economic conflicts over the extent, type, and speed of resettlement. At independence in , the government proposed a resettlement program of 18, households on former European-owned land.
In , this target was tripled to 54,, and it increased again to , in with a completion goal of However, by , only 52, households had been resettled, some 32 percent of the target, and most of these were in the poorer areas of the country and on individual farms rather than in cooperative schemes Palmer, Although rural-urban migrants are not the largest group of internal migrants in sub-Saharan African countries, rural-urban movement, whether circulation and for a temporary sojourn in town or for permanent urban residence, is by far the most significant form of movement for the long-term trend of spatial redistribution, and as Table 7—2 suggests, it has attracted much study.
To many governments, planners, and policymakers in sub-Saharan Africa, rural-urban migration is seen as the general case that all internal migration embodies. They have tended to overemphasize the importance of migration to the primate cities. Findings on urbanization as a migration phenomenon are discussed in detail below. Suffice it to say at this stage that the attraction of urban areas is largely, but not entirely, economic Adepoju, and that rural-urban income and quality of life differentials remain large.
The availability of jobs is critical, and rural-urban labor migration is dominant. However, the better availability of superior health care and educational opportunities Gould, , as well as housing Ohadike and Teklu, , can be additional attractions. Two forms of migration are discussed together and rather briefly because of their relative unimportance, at least numerically, in sub-Saharan Africa.
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Library Search. Contribute About Us Sponsor Partners. This essay focuses on the conceptual, empirical, and policy-relevant linkages among urbanization, rural—urban migration, and economic development. First, recent trends and future scenarios for urban population growth are reviewed, with special emphasis on African urbanization. Then, the growth and significance of the urban informal economy and the role of women in informal economic activities are examined.
Urbanization and Rural-Urban Migration (rough notes, use only as guidance; government policy: 'forcing' people to have illegal dwellings (hard to legalize, Towards an economic theory of rural-urban migration (the Harris-Todaro model).
A Theory on the Urban Rural Migration
Gary S. Becker, Todaro, Michael P,
Migration is a driver of urbanisation IOM, , and urban migration both national and international is an increasing trend of the twenty-first century. Skeldon comments that increased migration to urban centres is inevitable given the global realities of ageing societies, slow and uneven regional and national economic growth and environmental and political instability. Meanwhile, there are an estimated See box below on Lebanese municipal responses.
Agency for International Development. These policy briefs do not represent an official position of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars or the U. Opinions expressed are solely those of the authors. Migration is the demographic process that links rural to urban areas, generating or spurring the growth of cities.
Rapid and uncontrolled migration created by the population moving from rural to urban areas causes serious problems from the viewpoint of labor markets. Increases in rural-urban migration flows is contributing to a larger urban labor supply.